FROM THE COTONOU AGREEMENT TO THE SAMOA AGREEMENT: 30 YEARS OF EUROPEAN BUDGET SUPPORT TO RWANDA'S DEFENCE AND SECURITY SECTOR AND ITS IMPACT ON THE AGGRESSION AGAINST THE DRC.
1996 - 2026: Outline of the Inventory of Financing, Analysis of Correlations, Examination of Responsibilities and Demands for Justice for Congolese Victims.
Prospective Analysis Tribune by Fernandez MURHOLA,
International Human Rights Law Advocate | DRC National Human Rights Commissioner (2015-2022) | Expert in National Resilience and Development Planning.
Kinshasa, 26 October 2026
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
This Tribune establishes a fact that can no longer be ignored: European budget support to Rwanda is not neutral in the tragedy of Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.
From 1996 to 2026, more than 1.5 billion euros of European public money, through European Development Funds, General Budget Support, the European Peace Facility and the Global Gateway programme, have helped build the most efficient, most militarized and most interventionist State in the Great Lakes region.
This same army, the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF), is documented by more than ten successive Reports of the United Nations Group of Experts on the DRC as the main, direct actor and sponsor of the aggression, occupation and systematic looting of Eastern Congo.
The question is therefore no longer whether Europe intended to finance the war. It did not intend to.
The question is: did Europe continue to finance, legitimize and equip the Rwandan security apparatus in full knowledge of the evidence of its involvement in the commission of the GENOCOST and other imprescriptible crimes in the DRC ?
The answer, based exclusively on official acts published in the Official Journal of the European Union and on Reports S/2012/348, S/2023/431 and S/2024/432 of the UN Security Council, is YES. For 30 years!!!
INTRODUCTION: THE ARCHITECTURE OF BLINDNESS - HOW THREE VIRTUOUS INSTRUMENTS CREATE A VICIOUS SYSTEM.
The European Union does not finance the war in the Democratic Republic of Congo with a cheque marked "M23". It does so through a much more sophisticated system of financial and political fungibility, which rests on three distinct pillars which, taken together, make aggression possible.
Pillar 1: Direct Budget Support - The oxygen of the Treasury.
From Lomé IV to Cotonou to Samoa, the European Union pays directly into the Rwandan Treasury hundreds of millions of euros to finance health, education and good governance. Mechanically, every European euro that pays for a hospital frees a Rwandan euro that can pay for a battalion.
Pillar 2: Security Support - The muscle.
Through the European Peace Facility (EPF), created in 2021 to finance foreign armies, the European Union directly finances equipment, logistics and strategic transport of the Rwandan Army in Mozambique. This is the first time that the European Union has openly financed an army accused by the UN of aggression against another African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) State.
Pillar 3: Mining and Economic Support - The laundering of the loot.
Through the Memorandum of Understanding on critical raw materials of 19 February 2024 and the Global Gateway envelope of 900M€, the European Union offers Rwanda what no army can buy: international legitimacy to export minerals that Rwandan geology does not possess.
Understanding Cotonou to Samoa is understanding that without pillar 1, Rwanda would not have had the means for its army; without pillar 2, it would not have had the projection capacity; without pillar 3, it would not have had the economic interest to remain in the DRC.
CHAPTER I: COTONOU AGREEMENT (2000-2020) - THE FINANCIAL FOUNDATIONS OF AN EFFICIENT WAR MACHINE
On 23 June 2000, the Cotonou Agreement made Rwanda the "donor darling", the model student of international aid. This status conferred on it almost total political immunity.
1) Documented inventory to be verified in the Official Journal:
a) EDF 8 (1995-2000): 110 Million €.
Disbursed at 87% during the First Congo War (1996-1997). The AFDL of Laurent-Désiré Kabila, supported and supervised by Kigali, crosses Zaire and takes Kinshasa. The European Union continues to disburse.
b) EDF 9 (2000-2007): 155 Million €.
Of which 22% in Direct Budget Support. This is the doctrine: "Trust". During this period, the UN Group of Experts already documents the looting of coltan by the RCD-Goma, Rwandan proxy.
c) EDF 10 (2008-2013): 290 Million €.
This is the golden age. Rwanda is presented as the African miracle. Yet, from 2008 to 2013, Kigali devotes 2.8% of its GDP to defence, against 1.2% on African average. This is the highest rate in the Great Lakes.
On 28 October 2008, the CNDP of Laurent Nkunda, equipped and commanded according to the UN by Kigali, takes Kiwanja/Rutshuru in North Kivu and massacres 150 civilians.
d) EDF 11 (2014-2020): 460 Million €.
The largest. On 21 November 2012, M23 takes Goma, capital of North Kivu. Report S/2012/348 Add.1 is damning: Rwandan Minister of Defence James Kabarebe is the head of the chain of command of M23. What does the European Union do? It suspends 20M€ out of 460M€ for 6 months, then resumes everything in 2013. The signal is clear: taking Goma costs 4% of aid.
2) The correlation through fungibility:
Public economics is formal: budget aid is 70-85% fungible. When the European Union finances 38% of the Rwandan health budget between 2005 and 2015 (OECD data), it allows the Rwandan Government to maintain a military budget that goes from $41M in 1996 to $119M in 2012 then $154M in 2020 (Stockholm International Peace Research Institute - SIPRI).
Without European aid, this level of military effort would have been politically and socially impossible.
CHAPTER II: EUROPEAN PEACE FACILITY - 40M€ FOR RWANDA IN MOZAMBIQUE WHILE GOMA BURNS
This is the most documented scandal, as it rests on two official decisions of the Council of the European Union, verifiable by all.
1) The official and incontestable chronology:
a) 1st December 2022: CFSP Decision 2022/2354 of the Council. The European Union approves 20 Million € for the RDF in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique. Official reason: fighting Al-Shabab.
b) 18th July 2024: Publication of the Final Report of the UN Group of Experts S/2024/432. Paragraph 42: "The RDF maintains between 3000 and 4000 soldiers on the territory of the DRC, commanding and equipping M23."
c) 18th November 2024: CFSP Decision 2024/2880 of the Council. Despite Report S/2024/432, the European Union doubles the stake: the envelope goes to 40 Million €. The Council specifies that the aid will be used for "the acquisition of non-lethal individual equipment and the provision of strategic air transport".
2) Ground reality and operational fungibility:
Rwanda has an army of 33,000 active men. In November 2024, it has 6300 in Mozambique (20% of its strength) and 4000 in the DRC (12%). It therefore has 32% of its army projected outside, a logistical feat that even France cannot sustain. How? Because the European Union pays for strategic transport and equipment in Mozambique.
Each cargo plane financed by the EPF to go to Pemba frees a Rwandan cargo plane to go to Kavumu/Bukavu. This is operational fungibility. The European Union does not directly finance a bullet fired in Kanyabayonga. It finances the kerosene that allows Rwanda to shoot at both Mocimboa da Praia and Kanyabayonga.
On 24 February 2025, High Representative Kaja Kallas, under pressure from the European Parliament, finally announces: "Defence consultations with Rwanda are suspended." Late admission: the 40M€ are already disbursed and the equipment delivered.
CHAPTER III: THE PROTOCOL OF 19 FEBRUARY 2024 - HOW THE EU OFFERED A "SUSTAINABLE" LABEL TO BLOOD MINERALS
This is the economic chapter, the most cynical and most profitable for Kigali.
On 19 February 2024 in Brussels, Commissioner Jutta Urpilainen and Minister Vincent Biruta sign the MoU on sustainable value chains of critical raw materials. Official Commission press release: "Rwanda is a major player in tantalum extraction. It also produces tin, tungsten, gold, niobium and has lithium reserves."
1) Geology against the press release:
According to the US Geological Survey, Rwanda holds 0.3% of world tantalum reserves. The DRC holds 28%. Yet, since 2015, Rwanda is systematically in the top 3 world exporters of tantalum. How does a country without reserves become a major exporter? Through transit.
2) Direct and documented correlation:
a) 19 February 2024: Signature of EU-Rwanda MoU. The EU commits to helping Rwanda "improve traceability".
b) April 2024: M23/RDF takes full control of Rubaya and its Luwowo coltan mine. Rubaya alone produces 15 to 20% of World Coltan.
c) May-June 2024: According to data from the Rwandan Mines Office, Rwanda's coltan exports increase by 48% in volume compared to May 2023. Revenues go from $5.2M to $11.3M.
d) December 2024: Group of Experts S/2024/432 establishes that the Rubaya mine is taxed by M23 at $800,000 per month and that the ore is trucked to Kigali.
Cardinal Fridolin Ambongo Besungu summarized it on 24 February 2024 in Kinshasa: "The European Union signs a sustainable mining cooperation agreement with Rwanda on resources looted in our Country. Is this not strong support for the aggressor?"
The MoU is not a purchase contract. It is worse: it is a certificate of good conduct. With this paper, a European buyer of Rwandan tantalum can tick the "EU due diligence" box without ever wondering where the ore really comes from.
CHAPTER IV: 900M€ VS 424M€ - GLOBAL GATEWAY OR ASYMMETRY AS POLICY
The Global Gateway instrument (2021-2027), which replaces the EDF, reveals the real geopolitical priority of Brussels.
1) Rwanda: 900 Million € announced in December 2023. Breakdown: 40M€ for Ruzizi III power plant, 60M€ for RwandAir, 100M€ for pharmaceutical value chains and especially 50M€ for modernization of LuNa Smelter (tin) and Power Resources International (tantalum) refinery.
2) DRC: 424 Million € announced for 5 provinces out of 26, despite a territory 90 times larger (2.34M km² vs 26,000 km²) and a population 7 times larger (102M vs 14M).
3) The bilateral inventory that the European Union does not publish:
a) UK-Rwanda: Migration agreement of 140M£ signed in April 2022. Clause 17: intelligence and air security cooperation. Suspended by Labour in July 2024.
b) Belgium: Training of 120 Rwandan officers per year at the Royal Military Academy (2010-2025). Sanctioned only in March 2025 after the fall of Goma.
c) France: Air defence agreement (2019): supply of Thales radars and pilot training in Cognac. Cooperation maintained.
d) TotalEnergies link: Cabo Delgado where the Rwandan Army fights hosts TotalEnergies' $20 billion LNG project. In 2021, TotalEnergies declares Force Majeure due to terrorism. In 2022, RDF arrives, financed by the European Union. In 2024, TotalEnergies prepares resumption. European support to the Rwandan Army de facto secures a European strategic asset.
CHAPTER V: CHRONOLOGY OF COINCIDENCE - WHEN HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF
Recurrence is no longer a coincidence. It is a structure of impunity.
1) In 1997, EDF 8 of 110M€ is released. At the same time, AFDL supported by Rwanda takes Kinshasa. This is the 1st Congo War. Toll: 200,000 to 500,000 dead according to the Mapping Report.
2) In October 2008, EDF 10 of 290M€ is being implemented. At the same time, CNDP of Laurent Nkunda, supported by Rwanda according to Report S/2008/773, takes Kiwanja. 150 civilians are executed in 24 hours.
3) In November 2012, EDF 11 of 460M€ is active. On 20 November 2012, M23 takes Goma, city of 1 million inhabitants. Report S/2012/348 proves that M23 is a Rwandan creation. The European Union suspends symbolic 20M€, i.e. 4.3% of the envelope. 6 months later, everything is restored.
4) In December 2022, EPF of 20M€ is approved for Rwanda. The same month, resurgent M23 takes Bunagana and settles at the Ugandan border, cutting 70% of North Kivu trade.
5) In February 2024, Minerals MoU offering an EU label is signed. Two months later, M23 takes Rubaya, the largest coltan mine in the World.
6) In November 2024, second EPF of 20M€ is disbursed while M23 encircles Goma and the conflict has caused, according to the Congolese government and OCHA, 7,000 deaths since January 2024 and 700,000 additional displaced.
CHAPTER VI: FROM PASSIVE COMPLICITY TO LEGAL LIABILITY - ARTICLE 16
The Mapping Report (2010) of the UN documents 617 incidents of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Reports S/2023/431 and S/2024/432 document the war economy.
International law is clear.
Article 16 of the International Law Commission's draft on State Responsibility: "A State which aids or assists another State in the commission of an internationally wrongful act is internationally responsible for doing so if it does so with knowledge of the circumstances of the internationally wrongful act and if the act would be internationally wrongful if committed by itself."
Conditions:
1) Material aid;
2) Knowledge of the circumstances; 3) Illegality of the main act.
The European Union is not a State, but Article 58 on the responsibility of International Organizations takes up the same principle.
On 17 March 2025, the European Union sanctions Gasabo Gold Refinery (Kigali) and RDF officers for "support to M23 and illicit exploitation of Congolese gold". This is a major legal admission: by sanctioning the Rwandan refiner, the European Union recognizes that the supply chain it had labelled "sustainable" a year earlier was contaminated by war crimes.
Knowledge is established. Material aid is established (40M€ + 1.5Bn€). Remains qualification by a competent tribunal.
CONCLUSION AND NON-NEGOTIABLE RECOMMENDATIONS
From Cotonou to Samoa, the European Union wanted to make Rwanda a model of efficient authoritarian development. It succeeded beyond its wildest hopes. It created a State capable of projecting 10,000 soldiers beyond its borders simultaneously, financing its army through the looting of its neighbour and having this looting labelled "green transition" by Brussels.
This model has a cost: More than 10 million dead in the DRC from 1996 to 2026.
That is why We demand:
1. Public Audit and Immediate Moratorium: Immediate suspension of the Minerals MoU of 19 February 2024 and independent audit, by the European Court of Auditors, of the use of all EDF and EPF funds from 1996 to 2026, with publication of final beneficiaries. As requested by the European Parliament Resolution of 14 February 2024.
2. GENOCOST-FREE Clause in Samoa: Insertion in the Samoa Agreement of an automatic suspension clause of all budgetary and security support if the beneficiary is named by the UN Group of Experts for support to an armed group, without waiting for a Security Council condemnation blocked by veto.
3. Binding Isotopic Traceability Mechanism: No tantalum, tungsten, tin or gold ore refined in Rwanda may enter the European Union without a certificate of isotopic analysis proving its non-Congolese geological origin, verified by a laboratory independent of ITSCI.
4. Financial Reparation Fund: 100% of EPF funds already paid to Rwanda (40M€) must be paid into an international trust fund for reparation of victims of Rubaya, Masisi and Walikale, managed by Congolese Civil Society, as recognition of shared responsibility and not as humanitarian aid.
1885 began without the Congolese in Berlin. Let Samoa 2023-2043 not be built against the Congolese in Brussels.
NO PEACE WITHOUT JUSTICE.
NO PARTNERSHIP WITHOUT ACCOUNTABILITY.
NO GREEN TRANSITION WITH RED MINERALS STAINED WITH BLOOD.
NO TO THE EMPIRE OF SILENCE:
For the Memory of the Victims of GENOCOST.
For the Sovereignty of the DRC.
For the Truth about European money.
END.
FOR ALL CONTACT (Press and Publications):
Fernandez MURHOLA,
Phone: +243810017400 | E-mail: fmurhola@fmurhola.org | Twitter: @fmurhola | Website: https://www.fmurhola.org | P.O. Box: 133 Kinshasa 1 - Democratic Republic of Congo.